A Position Paper of the KPÖFederal Council of 8 October 1999

First Reflections on the Resultsof the 1999 Elections

1. The outcome of the elections of3 October is the result of a steady rightward drift for over a decade. Threeroughly equally strong parties are at present represented in Parliament. But SPÖ,ÖVP and FPÖ find themselves in different situations.

The government policy of the SPÖover the last decades has completely abandoned its social-democratic traditionsand become subordinate to neo-liberal social policy.

Today’s SP leaders have wreckedand ruined the ideological Kreisky heritage and reduced the SPÖ’s absolutemajority to a mere third of the votes. The election defeat is above all a defeatof the Schröder-Blair-Klima course.

On the other hand, the ÖVP, whosesteady decline in voting strength was no less dramatic, was able to carrythrough its socio-political positions in the government almost entirely.Moreover, it now finds itself in the advantageous position of being invited intoa coalition.

The party whose strategic dynamismhas remained unbroken is the FPÖ. It became the strongest party in twoprovinces, five provincial capitals and in several voter categories (workers,below thirty year-olds). Yet the considerable drain of FPÖ voters who changedinto non-voters makes its clear that the party’s rise is in no waypredetermined. The FPÖ stands unequivocally for the neo-liberal reconstructionof society. Its aggressive racism runs in no way contrary to this but is partand parcel of it. It is linked to increasing national chauvinism which is on therise, thriving in an atmosphere of social insecurity and rooted in capitalistglobalisation and EU policy.

In this way the FPÖ is not onlythe party best adapted to today’s capitalism; because of its parliamentaryopposition role it at the same time canalizes the protest against capitalism’snegative effects. Apart from existing differences between the parties,especially between SPÖ and FPÖ, there exists agreement with regard to thebasic principals of the neo-liberal reshaping of capitalist society. Politicalcontroversies between leaders of parties are carried out on the basic acceptanceof this neo-liberal consensus.

This gives rise to increasedopposition, particularly inside the SPÖ, since its leaders - lacking anysocio-political alternative whatsoever - grab hold of any issue served up by themedia or other parties. It has turned out to be particularly disgraceful withregard to the racism practised by the FPÖ in the field of immigration policy.

2. Neo-liberalism in all its formsaims at a more radical fulfilment of the interests of capitalism. Neo-liberalismis brutal class struggle waged from above. If this policy remains uncontradictedfurther social deteriorations are inevitable. On the one hand, the “socialpartners” desire a stable government constellation, but against the backgroundof the election results this is not forthcoming. It is absolutely possible thatthere will be new elections within a relatively short period of time.

One can expect the SPÖ to shiftfurther to the right under pressure whilst uttering the warning: “either we orchaos”. Yet more and more people find this unconvincing. An indication is thegrowing number of non-voters, the biggest group among them former SPÖ voters. Asocio-politically relevant alternative does not materialize by one or the otherparty going into opposition. The alternatives are: genuine employment policy orpseudo-employment by increasing the number of badly paid and Mac jobs;implementation of the demands of the Women’s Referendum or return to thepolicy of confining women to the home; lowering of labour costs through reducedsocial standing or introduction of a added value tax;

further erosion of the state’ssocial policies or redistributions of wealth from above to below throughintroduction of a capital tax. The election results themselves show the need forcoming to grips with the problem of social justice. In this spirit the ÖGBcongress (Austrian Trade Union congress) must be urged to adopt an independentposition beyond its SPÖ loyalty manifested until now.

When liberal media unblinkinglyaddress the FPÖ as the “new worker’s party”, this epitomizes thedisastrous contempt and incomprehension of even “well meaning” intellectualsregarding workers and their problems. It would be quite a move in the rightdirection if the concern uttered by politicians and media representatives aboutthe shift to the political right resulted in their understanding that the battleagainst Jörg Haider about “political culture” has to be one in the field ofsocial policy. Here it becomes evident that the SPÖ is no solution againstchaos and a further right wing drift but that it is in fact part of the problem.The election results have made manifestly clear that social oppositon within andoutside the various existing formations is the call of the hour.

3. The increase of votes by theGreens - in Vienna their advances considerably outnumber FPÖ gains - are in acertain way a sign of democratic and social opposition but hardly an indicationthat the party leadership interprets them as a mandate for resistance -particularly of the extra-parliamentary variety.

Possibly a sobering up will soontake place among those who voted for the Greens this time as the “lesser evil”,also at the expense of some KPÖ votes. Which direction will be taken by thesedisenchanted voters will also depend on us.

4. It is a fact that the KPÖ wasnot able to brake out of its modest boundary. But it gained re. the number ofvotes and percentage-wise in general political elections for the fourth timerunning since 1994. And this, moreover, in an electoral battle marked by acuteacrimony regarding the FPÖ, a situation which usually cost the KPÖ votes evenin better times.

The increase in the number ofvotes within the given framework is, on the one hand, a sign of consolidationbut on the other hand the argument of the “wasted vote” hurt the KPÖ thistime too and siphoned off votes which went to the SPÖ and the Greens. Reticenceis most certainly required when venturing an interpretation - also because ofregional differences. Yet some consequences do result from these elections.

The decision taken by the KPÖ topresent itself as a consistent left wing opposition was the right decision. Fromthe perspective of the further development of the Party the need to combinethree aspects of politics has proved to be correct: concrete and militantpositions in the representation of the interests of today’s working class,which includes women’s, immigrants’ and unemployed policies. Positions onissues of local politics are focal points of KPÖ influence.

Being active in general politicaldebates (in the first place for a reactivation of the policy of neutrality, forequal rights and for the human rights of all who are living in this country) andideological renewal. In this regard, conserving the substance in theorganisation and the need for renewal must not be dealt with as opposites. Theincrease of votes in various regions shows that these two aspects have tocomplement each other to make all round progress possible.

The orientation of the KPÖ tohave open lists in EU and national elections has proved to be right. Thecandidature of well known artists is a question of principles and significancefor the identity of the KPÖ and has absolutely nothing to do with atransformation of the KPÖ into a “party of intellectuals” as has beeninsinuated here or there. Not only was it possible through Zenker, Hrdlicka, Thüminger,Maron, Messner and others to open up new aproaches to the media, but above allthanks to them it was possible to modify the public image of the KPÖ, torevalue the Party qualitatively. Whether we like it or not, today themediatisation of politics is a fact.

The KPÖ’s greater presence inthe media - which is still a long way off from in fact providing conditions ofequality - is an important success of this election campaign and needs to bedeveloped further. The independent support extended to the KPÖ’s electoralbattle by progressive immigrants’ groups was sound and important and needs tobe underlined. Another positive aspect is provided by the several examples ofregionalized und decentralized election campaigns in tune with thedifferentiated character of the KPÖ. All in all we are of the opinion that theKPÖ clearly has been able to gain wider acceptance in the course of thiscampaign - wider than is reflected by the election results themselves.

5. Let us not indulge in anyillusions: we are approaching a difficult future in every respect. Austriancapitalism and the politics of those who rule will continue to become morebrutal, democratic rights and humane miminum standards are being exposed toincreasing pressure. The public controversy with the FPÖ will become sharper.

The struggle for a bigger leftwing - respectively KPÖ - basic electorate will prove to be on the one handmore important and on the other more difficult. If we want to use ourpossibilities fully we cannot limit ourselves to criticism of the other parties.What is necessary is to formulate more clearly what are the socio-politicalalternatives for which we stand. Above all we have to show unequivocally thatour understanding of democracy and politics is not limited to elections. Thedevelopment of extra-parliamentary movements - trade union, civil, women’s,youth and students’ resistance movements - are of great socio-politicalsignificance.

Finally from the point of view ofParty politics: the criterion of the usefulness of the KPÖ and thus also of itselectoral political chances results from its participation in such movements. Inthis perspective the upcoming local elections in Lower Austria, Styria and inInnsbruck are of central strategic significance for the KPÖ.

In the course of the electioncampaign, the increased demand for our publicity material showed clearly thatthe need for a KPÖ which is renewing its identity has grown. We also have tostrengthen our efforts in the intellectual and cultural debate. An integral partof this battle is the uncompromising fight against racism and against hatred ofminorities.

The 3rd of October and the votingresults of the KPÖ will not cause any euphoria: even if one can say that theParty is (slowly) moving forward, the election results show up the need toexamine critically and maybe modify the different spheres of activities in thespirit of the direction of the development of the Party.

This is also valid with regard toour ideas concerning our programme for a renewed communism. It is among othersthe task of the Federal Council to take up one subject after another in thefields of organisation, media and collaborators and to initiate necessaryimprovements. In order to complete the picture, it must be added that a criticaland constructive climate for discussion is an indispensable condition.