Resolution of the Federal Board of Communist Party ofAustria, January 29th 2000

Theses on a "blue-black" (FPÖ-ÖVP) government

1. The installation of a blue-black government forms anincision of the political history of the Secound Republic. Governmental power inthe hands of a party who combines a neoliberal transformation of capitalistsociety with racist agitation, who aims at the discrimination and minimizing ofminorities, who still makes light of national-socialism and refuses to draw aclear dividing line from the ideology of german nationalism, who stands for areactionary few of women means a further severe shift to the right. Thusapprehensive voices from abroad about the political development of Austria areunderstandable.

2. An economic policy acording to the lines established by theEU (a budget-policy in favour of the Euro, deregulation of financial market,rendering into private hands of economic property formerly owned and runed bythe state) will lead to a further deterioration of the social situation of largesegments of the people independently of possible governmental coalitions. Thisis clearly shown in the unsuccessfull agreement on government between ÖVP(Austrian People's Party) and SPÖ (Socialdemocratic Party of Austria) which theSPÖ will not easily manage to put out of mind even if it is now in opposition.

While now there is much ado about thousends of thousends ofmillions of shillings that have to be raised by a further burdening of thepeople only because there is a failure of a few tenth of percents from thecriterions of the Euro there is no more talk of the goals of the NAP (NationalPlan of Action for Employment) altogether there exists an obligation for thereduction of unemployment. The aim of reducing the rate of unemployment by onepercent by 2002 will hardly be fulfilled to the half as is prognosticated by theInstitute of Economic Research.

Freedom Party (FPÖ, a right wing party) and ÖVP jointogether to instal an openly social reactionary government aiming amoung otherpoints at a fundamental change of the system of laws concerning social welfareand employment. The end of the SPÖ as a party of government indicates that thepolitical representatives of big capital create the presuppositions of pushingtheir interests in this matter more aggessively and also against the declaredopposition of the trade unions.

From the present point of view it is impossible though topredict in what speed these intended brutal incisions in the social system orthe political confrontation with the unions will come about. This also willdepend on the leaders of the unions. It is by no means certain that the actualunion leadership will go into real confrontation against the declared intentionsof a blue-black government if a corresponding pressure from the basis is lacking.Even more uncertain is its willingness for an active mobilization for socialalternatives, amoung others for more employment and a shorter time of work,which will not be realized by appeals for the continuation of "Social-Partnership".

3. As far as social economic policy is concerned all the freeabove mentioned parties basically stand for a neoliberal transformation ofcapitalist society. For the SPÖ this not only means that it formulated togetherwith the ÖVP a program of coalition which could have been suggested by the FPÖas well. The acceptance of the theses of neoliberalism by the SPÖ and thelimitation of the social economic debate to the frame established by EU hasalready proved in the past as the main obstacle in the discussion of socialalternatives. But now it becomes apparent that on this basis a "criticalopening" towards the FPÖ is in preparation. Despite all this there existsin the SPÖ a considerable potential of resistance against this line which tendsto make it different from other parties. Increased tentions between ChristianUnionists and the ÖAAB (Austrian Workers and Employees Union) within the ÖVPare not be excluded.

For the FPÖ the existance of this neoliberal consense meansthat it despite its former anti-EU and anti-Maastricht argumentation it willexecute an economic and budget policy along the criterions of the EU if once inthe situation of a party of government. If Haider should dominate thenegotiations for a coalition a FP-minister of finances will execute budgetsconforming to the Euro. Thus sooner or later the FPÖ will also be maderesponsible for social deteriorations.

4. Very soon this new way of governing will show consequencesin the political superstructure and in the realm of education and culture. By nomeans accidentally FPÖ and ÖVP have achieved their first agreements in thepolicy of justice and matters of criminal law. Discrimination of minorities,construction of scapegoats, a repressive sexual morality, a reactionary few ofwomen, discrimination of progressive and experimental art: in a thus "purified"atmosphere a decisive blow against social gains shall be prepared. So far as notalready done by the latter government progressive projects and NGOs will befinancially ruined. Three centuries of socialdemocratic governmentalresponsibility do not only leave a demoralized working class movement, areactionary system in the sphere of media and the vastly disunited scene ofcultural activities, but even an apparatus of repression armed in the mostup-to-date fashion. The KPÖ (Communist Party of Austria) is going to back anyopposition and resistance that will come to exist against the reactionary rulingcoalition concerning the cultural and ideological superstructure.

5. The recent developments confirm the KPÖ-estimations of thelast years. With the destruction of the socialized industries the governmentsled by the SPÖ have been trapped by neoliberalism. The selling out of economicresources to transnational concerns have replaced public ownership while germanbig capital has profited in the first line. The joining of the EU under theconditions of home market, the Maastricht criterions and growing militarism hasled to unemployment, unstable conditions of employment and to a factualabandonment of neutrality.

The result of all this was a growth of rightest populisminstead of democratic culture and an open view of the world. The recent shift tothe right on a governmental level amounts to a political breakdown of thevarious SP-leaderships since 1986 who declared their policy of "continous(gradual)" shift to the right as the only possible defence against Haider'sparticipation in government. It further refutes the idea that withoutextraparliamentary mobilization, without democratic public action and civilresistance democratic and social rights could be defended.

The preparation of the "red-green" project ofgovernment as a mere parliamentary alternative to a VP-FP government will soonprove a biteless and powerless effort.

The KPÖ calls on all critical trade unionists, active men andwomen in citizens' iniciatives, the movements of women and students, artists andcultural workers, the whole democratic public to oppose from the beginning thenew constellation of government which is becoming apparent.